- Daniel Brown
- BBC Mundo correspondent in Colombia
In this country where 60 years of guerrilla warfare took place, a former militant will now be the head of state.
Gustavo Pedro, a member of the April 19 movement (M19) in the 1970s and 1980s, will be the first left-wing president in the country’s history.
“The peace is that someone like me can become president Or someone like Francia (Marquez) could be vice president, “he said in his victory speech.
As a result of his long career beginning in 1990, he came to power, mobilized the M19 and entered the political system with a social democratic agenda.
Since then, Pedro has devoted himself to condemning corruption, human rights abuses by the state and the links between politicians and paramilitaries.
Over time, and with the moderate efforts of many to become opportunistic, Pedro was able to shake off the brand of the former guerrilla and present himself as an alternative politician, although he is already part of the organization.
As Pedro grew as an individual, the war escalated as the government cornered some groups or signed a peace deal with the now-defunct FARC guerrillas, as happened in 2016.
However, violence continues in some remote areas of the country, cocaine production – related to the conflict – continues to be the largest in the world, and illegal armed groups have proliferated.
During the campaign, Pedro sold his presidency as a “trade for life and peace.” His promise includes “complete peace,” as opposed to “little peace.” According to him, it was signed six years ago.
“The government of life is meaningless if we do not bring peace to Colombian society,” he said in his speech.
Like any previous government, Pedro’s ideological and historical harmony with the guerrillas allows him to maneuver toward dialogue and mobilization.
“When pro-peace objective events, such as the signing of a contract or the selection of an ex-combatant, occur, there is a significant shift in identity not only among the armed but also among the general public. Supports dialogue and harmony instead of a heavy hand“Diana Rico is a political professor at the Universidad del Norde and an expert in the science of war.
“This is undoubtedly a turning point, a window to start a change with someone (Pedro) who shares progressive views and is sympathetic to the armed rebels,” says the expert.
What about the peace deal with FARC?
The first issue Petro had to look at in terms of the conflict was what was left of the peace agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) of Colombia.
Ivan Duque’s outgoing government defends its policy of enforcing the agreement, but its critics assure that its administration is nothing more than active.
Points 1 and 2 of the treaty refer to rural reform and political reform, with little or no progress during Duke’s four years. They are very difficult to implement because of the interests of landowners and the traditional politicians who touch them.
Pedro has criticized the deal with the FARC. He says he is not ambitious enough to attack the causes of the war: property inequality, political neglect and the plight of the peasantry.
But he said in the campaign that full implementation of the agreement would be one of his priorities. Among the war-torn municipalities, it won with the greatest benefit..
“The peace deal is at the heart of the government’s plan, especially for the protection of civilians and regional security,” said George Mandela, director of conflict mechanics at the Ideas for Peace Foundation.
“But the challenge is to implement, because Pedro lacks leadership skills and does not guarantee that his relationship with the General Force will be easy. His government plan is a declaration of policy, but it is not clear what he’s going to do. ”
Although most of the FARC guerrillas are mobilized, in recent years there have been growing so-called FARC dissidents, small independent groups claiming to be raising the communist flag of the extinct guerrillas.
“We will support the government of life and hope,” reads a report by one of the dissidents, Marquettia II, published this week. “We will engage in everything, physically and mentally, in the collective goal of achieving complete peace for Colombia. We must talk to stop the war.”
Resume talks with ELN
Aside from FARC opponents, Colombia still has an old and entrenched guerrilla: the National Liberation Army (ELN), which has grown since 2016 and resumed attacks on security forces in some areas.
Petro Said He is set to resume peace talks with ELNDuke was intercepted in 2019 after an attack on a police school in Bogot.
The Querist and Marxist group responded to his election with these words: “The ELN maintains its mode of struggle and active political and military opposition, but is fully committed to advancing in the peace process that provides continuity to the table of dialogue initiated in Kyoto. In February 2017”.
Mandela notes: “The ELN must determine what its ideological behavior will be when the government associated with it is in power. Part of what they want to negotiate is already going to be done by Pedro. An advantage in negotiations depends on how the ELN accepts losing that programmatic relevance.”
Other groups (and the military)
Juan Poppier, senior researcher in the U.S. Division Human Rights WatchIt adds: “The promise to restart the talks, if properly implemented, has the potential to bring relief to many communities, but unfortunately the humanitarian challenges in Colombia today require a more effective new security policy that goes beyond this guerrilla and eliminates criminal groups.
Added in the presence of FARC and ELN dissidents Gulf ClanA neo-paramilitary organization dedicated to drug trafficking, kidnapping and extortion, as well as other groups with no political interests, are difficult to control through negotiations.
Pedro is a “for this.Policy for submission through “court dialogue”Drug trafficking must be eliminated peacefully, not politically. ”
“But the use of a government force cannot be abandoned and I think it is not possible to negotiate with everyone,” Mandela said.
Poppier adds: “The key question is whether a petro government can have a constructive relationship with the Department of Defense that will allow it to reform its security policies.”
Pedro spent his entire political career condemning the crimes of the armed forces. During the campaign, he engaged in a rhetorical dispute with Eduardo Zapatero, a representative of the army’s most conservative faction.
Although he has the support of some retired generals, Pedro generally arouses suspicion and hostility in the barracks.
Fundamental reform of the armed forces has been pending since the signing of the peace in 2016.
Paradoxically, One of Pedro’s challenges in security is to give the military confidence: Make them understand that they are one page.
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