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Gustavo Pedro’s challenge to obtain “complete peace” in Colombia with an army “designed for war”.

Gustavo Pedro’s challenge to obtain “complete peace” in Colombia with an army “designed for war”.
  • Daniel Brown
  • BBC Mundo correspondent in Colombia

image source, Good pictures

The Colombian armed forces, the most powerful in Latin America, are now led by one of their many former enemies, ex-guerrilla fighter and new president Gustavo Pedro.

After being ousted from the guerrilla group M19 in 1990, Pedro went on to have a successful political career, denouncing, among other things, the military’s corruption and human rights abuses.

Now that he was elected, Pedro was appointed Defense Minister, despite public opposition from top military commanders. Ivan VelasquezAn eminent jurist who condemned the abuses of some soldiers during the conflict between the government and the guerrillas.

Pedro comes to power with a promise of “total peace”. In addition to reaching agreements with current armed groups seeking their demobilization, the new president hopes to create conditions to address the causes of the war: inequality in land ownership, lack of opportunities in rural areas, drug trafficking.

“The war on drugs has led states to commit crimes and has vaporized the horizons of democracy,” Pedro said in his opening speech, in which he proposed a shift in strategy to end what he called an “eternal war.”

The banner of “total peace” is, at least, ambitious. Armed action against criminals is still not the same as in the palaces where it is considered the best option for achieving peace.

Moreover, the mobilization of FARC guerrillas in 2016 was not the end of violence: dissident groups have proliferated, more cocaine is being produced than ever before, and assassinations and assassinations of community leaders have become routine.

Shortly before Petro’s inauguration, a “Pistol Project” Gulf clan, a new paramilitary organization that killed a dozen policemen in two weeks. But on inauguration day, the group declared a ceasefire.

image source, Good pictures

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Ivan Velásquez is a former magistrate expert on human rights. His arrival in the Defense Ministry is a message for the Army and armed groups.

Looking forward

For this report, BBC Mundo spoke to several members of the military, some active members who asked not to be identified and others who have already retired.

Among the sources consulted, there is, in general, a suspicion of Pedro.

The president has said he wants to cut defense spending, fueling a sense of rift among some ranks accustomed to concessions due to conflict.

“We are more hopeful than worried,” said John Marulanda, a former colonel and national president of the retirees’ association Acor.

“We are optimistic in the sense that we want peace, but at the same time we are concerned about the dynamics of violence,” said Alfonso Mansour, director of Veterans for Colombia.

image source, Good pictures

Guillermo León, a former air force commander, said: “It’s not as bad as its supporters think or as its critics think.”

During the campaign, Pedro received the support of dozens of retired military officers, most of whom were supporters of the 2016 peace process.

“I would say there are 50% of pro-war combatants waiting to be sent to war and another 50% waiting to sign a peace treaty,” Marulanda surmised.

More than his status as an ex-guerrilla, two issues related to Pedro are causing concern among some in the military: Minister Velázquez and the reform of the police.

image source, Good pictures

The Inspector General of the Army is now their boss

Some interpreted Velázquez’s appointment as bravado, others as a challenge. Supporters of former President Alvaro Uribe, an old opponent of the current minister, saw him as a “threat”.

“All work undertaken by that government will be aimed at building peace and not promoting war,” he added.

As an associate justice of the Supreme Court, Velásquez investigated and condemned the links between politicians, the military and paramilitaries, illegal anti-subversive armies that killed more people during the war than any other group.

Dozens of politicians and soldiers were convicted for the administration of the then magistrate.

image source, Good pictures

Velásquez has also sharply criticized Uribe, the former president closest to the military, who was investigated for alleged links to the landmark paramilitary massacres in the Antioquia region two decades ago.

American security analyst and expert on Colombia Adam Isaacson Wrote this in an article: “For the first time, the recommendations of human rights defenders and community leaders will not be ignored (…) Iván Velásquez’s experience against corruption is more important than his lack of experience in anti-corruption matters.” Protection”.

Velásquez, in fact, knew little about military culture, weapons, and operations. His theme has always been—and probably will continue to be—human rights.

“The minister has the potential for meritorious services,” says Marulanta, referring to the power to alter hierarchical structures. “How he does it depends on whether or not he respects the essence of the troops and the military tradition, the support the troops give to his peace plan or, conversely, if they resort to sit-ins (uselessness)” .

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The Duke maintained a policy throughout his life at Columbia: question the military world little and maintain a generally harmonious relationship.

Police reform

In addition to changing the paradigm for fighting organized crime, Pedro wants to remove the police from the Ministry of Defense, a specific Colombian plan to respond to its conflict situation.

Last year, a strong crackdown on social protests by the police-linked insurgent force Esmat sparked fresh debate about the need to reform the armed forces. , for example—as an act of rebellion.

Although reforms, training and even doctrine have changed, the armed forces generally remain an institution of the last century. And, according to experts, it is also seen in the police who do not fully embrace their civilian role.

Petro and Velásquez’s idea was to transfer the police to the Ministry of Peace and Security in order to eliminate a militant character attached to the conflict. Soldiers suspect it risks politicizing and usurping its powers.

For many of them the war continues. Moreover, in a fragmented country, the end of power is not dependent on the will of the president alone.

“The voluntarist view thinks that things are not done because no one is trying, but the reality is that it is very fragmented, with decentralized power, and the ability of the president to execute is remote, no matter what,” says Maria Victoria Lorente, security expert and director of the Ideas for Peace Foundation.

image source, Good pictures

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Although it is meant for disruption, Esmod is considered a system designed under the logic of conflict. That’s why Petro wants to reform it.

The analyst is skeptical about the proposed ministry for police: “Though peace and security are two sides of the same coin, it is preferable that each has its own head.”

“Join them, but do not mix them, because they have different priorities and in the balance between these two, a harmonious middle is sought, which guarantees peace progress instead of the two issues stepping on each other and wasting resources.”

Among Colombia’s wide array of power poles, the military plays a central role. It is Latin America’s top defense spender and the US’s closest military partner in the region. No national agency has more employees than the ministry: almost half a million people.

Until now, no president had started from a place so inherently hostile to the military as Pedro.

“Our armed forces have a long tradition of being very conservative in their thinking and generally, designed for war,” says veteran Leone. “That has to be understood by the new government; it doesn’t change from one day to the next.”

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